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Stock Trading

Online stock trading has become more accessible than ever before. With a smartphone and a trading app, almost anyone can buy and sell shares within seconds. While investing can be an effective way to build long-term wealth, frequent speculative trading carries risks that are often overlooked. For some people, trading can become compulsive, leading to behaviours that closely resemble those seen in recognised behavioural addictions including impaired control, persistent engagement despite negative consequences, emotional reinforcement and repeated unsuccessful attempts to reduce or stop trading (Grall-Bronnec et al., 2017; Granero et al., 2012).
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Stock Trading
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Mental Health Consequences

For many people, online trading can become an emotional rollercoaster. A profitable trade may create feelings of excitement, confidence and achievement, while financial losses can trigger disappointment, frustration, anxiety and stress. These emotional highs and lows can become particularly intense for people who trade frequently or feel compelled to constantly monitor the market.

Research has found that people who experience problematic trading behaviours are more likely to report symptoms of anxiety, depression and emotional distress (Grall-Bronnec et al., 2017). Rather than simply enjoying investing, some individuals become preoccupied with checking prices, analysing charts and searching for the next opportunity. Over time, this constant cycle of anticipation and uncertainty can become mentally exhausting.

Some traders also experience powerful urges to continue trading despite recognising that it is negatively affecting their finances or wellbeing. This loss of control is one of the reasons researchers have drawn comparisons between problematic trading and recognised behavioural addictions (Granero et al., 2012). As trading becomes more central to a person's life, it may contribute to chronic stress, emotional instability and reduced psychological wellbeing.

Financial Risks

Perhaps the most obvious consequence of problematic trading is financial loss. Unlike long-term investing, which focuses on gradual wealth accumulation, compulsive traders often seek short-term profits through increasingly risky trades. When losses occur, some attempt to recover their money by making even larger or more frequent trades, a behaviour commonly known as chasing losses.

Research suggests this pattern can lead to substantial debt and worsening financial outcomes, particularly when traders continue taking greater risks in an attempt to recover previous losses (Ivana & Moutoussamy, 2018).

Modern trading platforms may further increase these risks. Many allow users to trade around the clock, while some provide access to margin or leveraged trading, enabling investors to borrow money to increase the size of their positions. While leverage can amplify profits, it can also dramatically increase losses. For people struggling to control their trading, this can quickly lead to significant financial hardship (Grall-Bronnec et al., 2017).

Mobile trading apps have also blurred the boundaries between work, leisure and investing. Markets can be checked almost anywhere and at any time, making impulsive decisions easier than ever. Many platforms also incorporate gamified features such as colourful graphics, instant notifications, achievement-style rewards and simplified interfaces. These design features may encourage repeated engagement and reinforce compulsive trading behaviours in much the same way that other digital products encourage continued use (Dixon et al., 2021).

Social and Relationship Impacts

Problematic trading does not only affect finances. It can also have a significant impact on relationships and overall quality of life.

As trading becomes a greater focus, people may spend less time with family and friends or lose interest in activities they once enjoyed. Hobbies, exercise and social events may gradually be replaced by monitoring financial markets and searching for trading opportunities.

Financial secrecy can also become an issue. Some individuals hide losses from their partner or family because they feel embarrassed or believe they can recover the money before anyone notices. Unfortunately, this often damages trust and creates additional stress within relationships (Griffiths, 2012).

Over time, the combination of financial pressure, emotional distress and social withdrawal can contribute to loneliness, relationship conflict and reduced wellbeing.

Cognitive and Behavioural Changes

Compulsive trading can also affect the way people think and make decisions.

One of the most common cognitive biases is the illusion of control, where individuals believe they have greater influence over market outcomes than they actually do (Granero et al., 2012). This can lead traders to become increasingly confident after successful trades while underestimating the role of chance and market uncertainty.

Other common biases include remembering successful trades more vividly than unsuccessful ones, believing losses are temporary setbacks that can easily be recovered and overestimating personal skill. These thinking patterns can encourage increasingly risky behaviour and make it more difficult to stop trading even when significant losses occur.

Researchers have noted that many of these cognitive processes closely resemble those observed in gambling disorder and other behavioural addictions (Dixon et al., 2021).

Long-Term Consequences

When problematic trading continues over a long period, its effects can extend well beyond financial loss.

Persistent debt, relationship difficulties and declining mental health can reinforce one another, creating a cycle that becomes increasingly difficult to break. Some individuals continue trading in an attempt to recover previous losses, while others find themselves unable to stop despite recognising the harm it is causing.

Excessive trading may also affect work performance, particularly if people spend significant time monitoring markets during working hours. Feelings of shame or embarrassment may prevent individuals from seeking support, allowing the problem to continue for longer than it otherwise might have (Grall-Bronnec et al., 2017).

Conclusion

Online stock trading has made investing more accessible than ever, but for a small proportion of people, speculative trading can become problematic. Growing research suggests that compulsive trading can display many of the defining characteristics of behavioural addiction, sharing important psychological similarities with gambling disorder, even though it is not currently recognised as a distinct diagnostic disorder.

Recognising the early warning signs, such as loss of control, chasing losses, constant preoccupation with trading and continuing despite harm, is an important first step. By increasing awareness of these risks and encouraging healthier trading habits, people can enjoy the benefits of investing while reducing the likelihood of developing harmful trading behaviours.

Although pathological stock trading is not currently recognised as a distinct behavioural addiction in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5-TR) or the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11), researchers continue to investigate whether it represents an emerging behavioural addiction. Regardless of its formal classification, problematic trading can have significant psychological, financial and social consequences.

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References

Dixon, M. J., Wilson, A., Habib, R. & Stack, G. (2021). The role of gamification in online trading platforms: The psychology behind addictive trading behaviors. Journal of Behavioral Addictions, 10(2), 123–133.

Granero, R., Fernández-Aranda, F. & Steward, T. (2012). Compulsive trading behavior: A new behavioral addiction? Journal of Addictive Behaviors, 37(5), 444–451.

Grall-Bronnec, M., Sauvaget, A. & Bouju, G. (2017). Pathological trading: A clinical and epidemiological overview. Journal of Behavioral Addictions, 6(4), 484–491.

Griffiths, M. D. (2012). The psychology of financial trading: Risk, reward and addiction. Journal of Financial Therapy, 3(2), 123–135.

Ivana & Moutoussamy. (2018). [Complete reference details should be verified and inserted from the original publication].

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